Oil and Gas in Nigeria
On each topic, the articles are in chronological order.
Additional information relating to Nigeria can be found in the West Africa articles.
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Nigeria's Oil And Gas Industry: Exploration & Production
Oilwatch Resistance Bulletin 15, April 2001
Oil was discovered in Nigeria in 1956 at Oloibiri in the Niger Delta after half a century of exploration, by Shell-BP. In 1958 the first oil field came on stream producing 5,100 bpd. In 1960, exploration rights in onshore and offshore areas adjoining the Niger Delta were extended to other foreign companies. In 1965 the EA field was discovered by Shell in shallow water southeast of Warri.
Further exploration and production activity was hampered between 1967 and 1970 when the country was involved in a civil war caused by the attempted secession of the eastern provinces from the rest of the country. In 1970, the end of the Biafran war coincided with the rise in the world oil price, and Nigeria was able to reap instant riches from its oil production. Nigeria joined the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1971 and established the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) in 1977, a state owned and controlled company which is a major player in both the upstream and downstream sectors.
Exploration has taken place in five major sedimentary basins, namely, the Niger Delta, the Anambra Basin, the Benue Trough, the Chad Basin and the Benin Basin. All oil production to date has occurred in this basin.
Since 1990, Nigeria has opened up the deeper areas for exploration. In 1990, the Government offered a number of new concessions in water depths of up to 3,000m. BP/Statoil, Shell, Mobil, Elf, Agip and Exxon were among the major oil companies that won concessions. Estimates of recoverable oil reserves in Nigerian deepwater areas range from eight to nearly 20 billion barrels.
In 1998 shortly before ceding power, the government of Abubakar created 25 new deepwater concessions. The blocks, designated OPL 317-325 and OPL 251-265 are located in waters with depths that range between 2,000m and 6,000m. In March 2000, 22 new concession were opened to tender. The licensing history has not been without controversy. In 1999 and 2000, Obasanjo rescinded a total of 31 licenses from local operators that were found to be unqualified or who had not developed their acreage.
The following discoveries have been made since the start of the exploration in the deep offshore. In 1996 Shell announced its major Bonga discovery and in 1997 its smaller Ngolo discovery on OPL 212 and 219 respectively; in 1996 Agip announced its Abo discovery on OPL 316. The local independent Famfa Oil and its technical partner, Texaco, announced the discovery, Agabami, on OPL 216 which was confirmed in January 2000 as being a major commercial discovery with a potential in excess of US$1 billion oil equivalent barrels. Statoil decided to remain active in Nigeria after the discovery of Nnwa on OPL 218 although BP Amoco, its joint operator on blocks 217 and 218 decided to sell its shares in its minority interests in Nigeria. In December 1999, ExxonMobil and Esso confirmed a major deepwater oil and gas discovery, Erha, on block OPL 209. In May 2000: TotalFinaElf announced a promising discovery on OPL 246 with 9,000 bopd flows of light oil. Elf plans to spend $2.8 billion on upstream activities and Shell has stated its commitment to invest $8.5 billion in the development of Nigeria’s offshore fields. The latter represents the largest ever investment in sub-Saharan Africa.
Exploration and production continues in the onshore and shallow offshore areas. Shell, Chevron and Elf are prominent players in the area and are exploring blocks located in the northern states of Gombe Plateau, Bauchi and Adamawa.
Natural Gas Exploration and Production
OilWatch Resistance Bulletin 16, May 2001
Natural gas is a major source of energy and Nigeria's gas reserves are estimated at up to ten times as large as its crude oil reserves. Nigeria contains an estimated 124 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of proven natural gas reserves (10th largest in the world) with upside estimates of associated and non-associated gas being as high as 300 Tcf which the NNPC hopes to reach in the new millenium. Associate gas production is concentrated on fields located onshore and in swampy areas of the Niger River Delta.
Gas Flaring and Gas Utilisation
Around 3,000 million standard cubic feet of gas is produced annually. Due to a lack of gas utilization infrastructure, Nigeria flares 75% of the gas it produces and re-injects 12% to enhance oil recovery. Although high, this is significantly below the over 98% flared in 1971. Nigeria has set the year 2010 as its target for achieving zero flaring of natural gas.
With the aim of increasing gas utilisation, the NNPC set up a company, the Nigerian Gas Company Ltd in 1988, with the specific task of developing, harnessing and marketing natural gas from the domestic market. A number of projects are being developed to increase the utilisation of gas and to reduce gas flaring. In 1999, the Nigerian government set in place incentives to make the utilisation of gas more attractive and to check the waste in the Nigerian gas sector through flaring. The incentives will include approval of alternative funding for gas projects, a comprehensive energy policy and tax concessions. Other incentives promised to investors in the gas sector were a higher capital allowance, investment tax credits and lower royalty in comparison with oil as well as effective monitoring of oil companies' pledge to eliminate gas flaring in the country by 2008.
As a result of these directives and incentives, together with mounting pressure by environmentalists, all the major oil producing companies are executing projects aimed at substantially reducing the amount of gas flared in the course of their operations. Several of the oil JVs have plans for using the gas currently flared and are committed towards utilising 100% of associated gas for commercial or productive purposes by 2010. In 1999, Mobil declared its intention of cutting gas flaring to 10% by 2004.
The Nigeria Gas Company (NGC) has in place more than 1,000 km of pipeline with seven gas systems and fourteen compressor stations. About 75% of NGC's sales are to four thermal power stations run by the Nigerian Electrical Power Authority. The major internationals have set up a number of gas projects.
The most ambitious of these is the Bonny Island LNG facility which is estimated to cost $3.8 billion. Nigeria Liquified Natural Gas Corporation (NLNG) comprised of the NNPC (49%), Shell (25.6%), Elf (15%) and Agip (10.4%) is developing the project. Initially the facility will be supplied from dedicated gas fields but NLNG intends to use at least 50% associated gas which is currently flared. The first two trains are complete and the third train was commissioned in 1999 for completion at the end of 2000. With three trains operational it will be possible to run the entire LNG facility on associated gas.
The first exports of gas from the facility began in October 1999, with the first shipments to Spain, Italy and Turkey, under long term purchase agreements.
The Escravos gas project (EGP) is a joint venture between NNPC (60%) and Chevron (40%). Phase I has been completed at a cost of $570 million and produces 165 Mmcf/d of associated gas from the Okan and Mefa fields. Phase II is under construction and was expected to come on line at the end of 1999, with phase III (under engineering) expected to start up in 2004.
In June 1999, Chevron and Sasol signed a JV to construct a gas-to-liquids (GTL) plant which is expected to use Sasol technology and be sited close to Chevron's EGP facilities in the Niger Delta region.
The West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP) will be used to supply Benin, Togo and Ghana. The project was first mooted in 1995. A feasibility study was completed in 1999 with the World Bank stating that the countries could save about $500 million in primary energy costs over 20 years. In November 1999, the US Export Import Bank expressed interest in maintenance financing of the WAGP.
Now, Nigeria has begun plans to set up another liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant to rival the existing Nigeria LNG complex (OGJ Online, Feb. 21, 2001). The plant would be located west of the Niger Delta, Presidential Adviser on Petroleum and Energy Rilwanu Lukman said at the signing of a memorandum of understanding for a feasibility study on the plant. The memorandum was signed by multinational oil companies including ExxonMobil Corp., Conoco Inc., Chevron Corp., and Texaco Inc. ExxonMobil was chosen to lead the study team, said Lukman.
Shell, Elf Petroleum Nigeria, and Mobil all have joint ventures with NNPC to improve gas utilisation. Shell’s Odidi project is expected to come online at the end of 2000, and harness flare-gas. Elf is to invest $100 million in the second phase of its Obite gas project. Mobil is in a joint venture with NNPC in the Oso NGL project located offshore Nigeria. The Oso project reached its full capacity in 1999.
Risks and Investment Problems
There are risks associated with investment in Nigeria. These can be grouped into three main categories, political activity and civil unrest, border disputes and government underfunding. There is also the continuing problem of corruption within the system.
OPEN LETTER TO THE WORLD BANK CONCERNING THE WEST AFRICAN GAS PIPELINE
Monday, December 18, 2000
James D. Wolfensohn, President
Dear President James Wolfensohn,
We, the undersigned organisations and individuals from around the world, wish to express our solidarity with the local communities of the Niger Delta area and Nigerian civil society organisations who have rejected the West African Gas Pipeline project and requested that The World Bank should discontinue any support for the project. We share the concerns of the communities that the project would aggravate environmental devastation, human rights violations, communal conflicts and impoverishment of the communities in the gas fields and pipeline route.
We understand that the World Bank funded the initial feasibility study for the West African Gas Pipeline and continues to support the project, which will transport natural gas from gas fields in the Niger Delta of Nigeria to special consumers in Benin, Togo and Ghana. The project is being developed by a consortium of transnational oil corporations including Chevron and Shell in partnership with the state owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Ghana National Petroleum Corporation, Socièté Beninoise de Gaz and Socièté Togolaise de Gaz. The partners signed agreement for the project in 1999 and construction of the pipeline is expected to be concluded by 2002. The World Bank has been working with the governments of Nigeria, Benin, Togo and Ghana to set a fiscal and regulatory structure to make the project profitable for the corporations.
By continuing to support this project, the World Bank is encouraging the corporations and the governments involved to ignore even the most basic processes to protect the natural environment and the livelihood of local populations. Though the pipeline will have negative impacts on the natural environment and the local communities, the communities have not been informed about the nature of the project, as prior consultation with the communities is clearly not a consideration for the consortium. Also, a transparent and inclusive Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process was not carried out in all the countries involved. It is unfortunate that months after representatives and indigenes of local communities in Nigeria's Niger Delta, delegates from Ghana, Benin Republic and Togo as well as concerned NGOs and social movements met in Effurun, Delta State, Nigeria between 14 -15 March 2000 and protested the absence of consultation and EIA, Chevron, the managing sponsor of the project and the Nigerian government have been carrying on with total contempt for the objective fears of the communities.
Although the project was conceived before 1993 and a Memorandum of Understanding was signed as far back as August 1999, members of the communities in the gas fields where Chevron's gas gathering facilities are located and communities along the proposed pipeline route have been ignorant of the project. This is because Chevron has maintained a high level of secrecy, refusing to inform and consult with the communities that will bear the impacts of the project. We, therefore, conclude that Chevron and her partners are not willing to address the fears of the communities, which have arisen with the history of violations and destruction associated with Chevron and the other transnational oil corporations. Chevron, the managing sponsor of the West African Gas Pipeline, is currently being sued in U.S. courts for their role in aiding and abetting the Nigerian military in killing and torturing unarmed civilians protesters on two separate occasions, on the Parabe platform and in of Opia and Ikenyan villages on May 28, 1998 and January 4, 1999, respectively.
Similarly, Shell, a member of the consortium is responsible for numerous killings and rights violations in the Niger Delta area.
Chevron has failed to give adequate information in response to enquiries by civil society organisations in Nigeria, Ghana and Togo. The responses to organisations have been scanty and self-contradictory. In some of the responses, Chevron claims to be committed to consultation with host communities. However, with the project billed to commence by 2001 and construction expected to be concluded by 2002, there would not be enough time for adequate consultation considering the magnitude of the project and expected impacts.
For example, in March, 2000, Chevron failed to show-up in an information and consultation meeting to discuss the WAGP with local communities, civil society organisations, media, government agencies and experts from Nigeria, Ghana and Togo, though the independent organisers had invited the company and officials of the company had announced that the company would be sending representatives.
Similarly, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) failed to turn up for the information and consultation meeting despite the prior indication of willingness to attend during meetings with the organisers.
The governments of Nigeria, Benin, Togo and Ghana also have not demonstrated any real commitment to consultation with local communities and civil society organisations.
We must point out that a favourable condition for democratic participation in decision-making of local communities does not exist in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, due to continuing militarisation of the area and central government legislation that deprives the local communities of all rights to ownership and control of land. With the government having the power to arbitrarily expropriate communal land for oil and gas development, the people are quite powerless to engage in any meaningful participatory consultation with oil companies and the state.
The West African Gas pipeline project, like similar projects in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria and other tropical countries, will surely affect the natural environment upon which the communities depend for survival. The wetlands and the mangroves that the pipeline will traverse are universally registered as fragile ecosystems. We are all aware of the devastating impacts the reckless activities of Chevron, Shell and the other transnational oil companies involved in the exploitation of oil and gas have had on the natural environment of the Niger Delta area. It is worrisome that despite the fact that there are a few legislative stipulations as to how projects should be organised, the oil companies and government agencies almost always ignore such stipulations.
Though an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is a statutory requirement, which should precede projects of this nature in Nigeria, Chevron has not conducted any EIA for the West African Gas Pipeline. However, gas sales contracts have either been signed or are being negotiated. That Chevron and its partners will conclude agreements for gas sales and project construction before a consideration of the real cost of the project on the natural environment and the local communities is unacceptable to us. It should be unacceptable to the World Bank.
The West Africa Gas Pipeline will not contribute towards the truly sustainable development of any of the communities in the targeted countries. The fact is that the gas is not destined to supply the real needs of the communities but those of unsustainable industries. In Ghana, the gas will be consumed mainly by the gold mines. The result will be the expansion of unsustainable gold mining activities and the resultant exacerbation of environmental degradation and destruction of the livelihood of local populations. Hence the project is totally contrary to the commitment to sustainable development.
Furthermore, at a time when the world needs to decrease its reliance on fossil fuels because of the global threat of climate change, this project will further increase the world's reliance on fossil fuels.
We are aware that the project is being promoted as one that would contribute to the reduction of gas flaring, a serious environmental problem that has been created by the oil companies and the Nigerian government. It is our position that oil companies and the government should be responsible for correcting the problem of gas flaring, which they have created. Reduction of gas flaring should not be tied to profit considerations, as is the case with the West African Gas Pipeline and similar projects of its kind.
Despite the claims of the consortium, there is no guarantee that the flaring of ASSOCIATED GAS will be reduced as a result of the West African Gas Pipeline. If the West African Gas pipeline will collect natural gas from special non-associated gas fields, as is the case with the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas Project, then there will not be any reasonable reduction of gas flaring. The gas that is flared in the Niger Delta area is ASSOCIATED GAS. Any project that will lead to considerable reduction of gas flaring should be based on a programme aimed at collecting associated gas. The responses to the enquiries of civil society organisations on this matter indicate that Chevron and other members of the consortium do not have a clear programme for the reduction of flaring of ASSOCIATED GAS.
Gas flaring by oil companies operating in the Niger Delta area is not just a problem for the local communities. The planet earth is affected as the emission of major greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide and methane from this area contribute significantly to the problem of global climate change. Chevron accepts the problem that it creates and is promoting the West African Gas Pipeline as a project that will contribute to mitigation of global climate change. Chevron is, therefore, asking for credit under the Clean Development Mechanism. However, what this amounts to is that Chevron is asking to be rewarded for attempting to solve a problem it created. Besides, without a clear plan for the reduction of the flaring of ASSOCIATED GAS, it would amount to a faulty decision by anyone that intends to grant Chevron any carbon credit for the West African Gas pipeline. Furthermore, we object to Chevron and other companies profiting from reducing gas flaring; we believe the communities that surround these flares must be compensated for years of health and environmental problems associated with gas flaring before any company profits from gas flare reduction
Despite the recent hand-over of power in Nigeria from military to civilian rule, grave violations of human rights persist in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, with increasing brutal repression of peaceful community protests, extrajudicial executions, detentions without trial, violation of livelihood etc. Hopes that the current civilian government would better address the Niger Delta discontent dimmed with the massacre, in November 1999, of Odi residents and the total destruction of Odi town by Nigerian soldiers on the orders of the civilian President, General Olusegun Obasanjo.
Without prior consultation with communities and with a pervading climate of insecurity in the Niger Delta area, there is no guarantee that killings and other rights violations will not be a consequence of the West African Gas Pipeline Project.
The expropriation of communal land and degradation of communal farmland and wetlands by Chevron and the other oil companies in the Niger Delta area have resulted in scarcity of agricultural land and fishing ground. The result has been an increasing commodification and competition for land. Communal conflicts for land have been assuming an increasingly violent character with destruction of lives and property.
Also, with the impoverishment and political marginalisation of the minority peoples of the Niger Delta area, demands for self-determination and resource control is increasing among communities in the area. Some of the communities have openly called on oil companies to withdraw from their areas pending the resolution of these issues. With these crises still unresolved by the Nigerian State, any new project of the magnitude of the West African Gas Pipeline will certainly contribute to worsening the condition for violence and destruction.
Based on the foregoing, and in support of the local communities we demand that the World Bank discontinue support for the West Africa Gas pipeline until:
cc: The President, Federal Republic of Nigeria
If you want to support this campaign, please contact: Isaac Osuoka
Note: More than 130 organizations have already endorsed this letter.
OIL EXPLORATION IN NIGER DELTA - AT WHOSE EXPENSE?
OilWatch Resistance 7, October 2000
By Mrs. Gbenewa Phido (President Mosop-UK)
News report confirm the United States Government has granted military aid consisting of eight fast attack patrol vessels to the Nigerian Navy. These patrol vessels are for ‘policing’ the oil rich Niger Delta region.
Anglo Dutch oil giant - Shell sets aside a total of $1 billion to develop its offshore oil and gas field in Niger Delta. This project is being financed under the alternative funding agreement between oil companies in Nigeria and the Nigerian Petroleum Corporation.
Nigerian Security in Rivers State summarily executes Ogoni children under the guise of task force on ‘pipeline vandalisation’. It was the same with Paul Okuntimu and Dauda Komo’s task force on ‘operation cleanse Ogoniland’ in 1993.
Petroleum is the main stay of Nigerian economy. It is no secret that oil accounts for 90 percent of Nigeria’s foreign earnings. Therefore it is no surprise that the Nigerian Government’s interest in all these issues is to increase the nations’ crude oil production at all cost.
The most important question therefore is - at whose expense is oil drilled in the Niger Delta of Nigeria?
It is clear that for the people of Niger Delta, life will never be the same again. Gone forever is the beautiful countryside that the people once knew. The once rich and healthy land is now a thing of the past which is relegated to the pages of history books. The source of the people’s livelihood has been snatched away from them without any replacement. The Niger Delta people are the ones who are bearing the brunt of the opportunity cost of oil exploration in Nigeria. The weight of this cost is increasingly proving too high to bear on the people. Instances include the destruction of the countryside with surface pipelines, which criss-cross the villages
and farmlands causing great danger from oil blowouts. Constant oil spills which leak into farmlands and rivers destroying and polluting the people’s marine life and crops; continuous flaring of poisonous gases which the people have been forced to inhale resulting to various lungs related sicknesses, etc.
To the people of Ogoni, the price of being an oil producing community has been devastating. Between the years of 1993 1996, Ogoniland was put under military occupation. Paul Okuntimu, Dauda Komo and Obi Umahi among others descended on Ogoniland with the most ruthless and destructive case of a military on its own citizens. Casualty figures afterwards stood at over 30 villages burnt and completely destroyed. Thousands of people killed and maimed, women of all ages raped and turned into sex objects to satisfy the libido of errant military men. Thousands more were made homeless and turned to refugees. The lives of Ken Saro Wiwa and his eight colleagues were brutally cut short to satisfy the hunger and thirst for oil. These deeds were all done on a helpless people in order to silence their yearnings for a fair deal on oil - their natural resource.
The people of Niger Delta are being subjected to an unholy grip of spellbound intimidation from the Nigerian Government and the oil producing companies. Poverty and deprivation has become the cost of oil exploration in the Niger Delta.
Above all these, oil companies are laughing all the way to the bank with the fat profits they declare yearly from the spoils of the harvest of the land. They have confiscated the wealth of the Niger Delta people in the name of doing business. Niger Delta people therefore have to get used to sacrificing and loosing everything in other to keep the oil companies in business and also to make the Nigerian Government happy.
American Government offers military aid package to Nigeria in order to protect the oil companies in the Niger Delta. Nigerian Government provides military security to oil companies in order to continue the flow of oil. Oil companies enjoy security and continue to invest billions of dollars into oil exploration with the ultimate aim of completely drilling the last drop of oil from the Niger Delta Oloibiri as a case in point.
In all these scenario, who is protecting the people of the Niger Delta from the carnage that has been unleashed on them by the oil companies?
While our children suffer malnutrition from starvation in a land of plenty; our husbands, fathers and brothers are being killed for protesting the injustice met on our land; our women raped by oil company contractors and security agents; our environment destroyed with no hope for our future generations etc, the protection we deserve alludes us. No government of the World has offered protection to the people of the Niger Delta neither have they proffered solutions to the problems we continue to face in the hands of oil companies. No humanitarian aid package has been offered by any government to the people of Ogoni to compensate for the pains they have endured through the years. A land that has produced so much wealth remains the most derelict in Nigeria. Hospitals, electricity, schools, pipe-borne water, jobs for the youths etc are neither seen nor heard about in this community.
It is time the environment of Niger Delta people is protected. It is time the continuous harassment and intimidation of Niger Delta people by oil companies and the Nigerian Security agents is stopped. It is time Niger Delta people are appreciated and respected as a people with rights and not treated as hooligans and troublemakers as has been portrayed in the recent past. It is time Niger Delta people stood up and remain standing until their rights are restored.
The Nigerian Government and the oil companies should know that the time is now for them to stop treating the Niger Delta people as victims of their own fortunes. It is time oil exploration in Niger Delta is used for the benefit of the people and not at their expense.
For comments on the issues raised in this article please contact Mrs. Phido at: email@example.com
CONSIDER THE FATE OF OGONI CHILDREN
OilWatch Resistance 11
An open letter to President Obasanjo on his visit to Ogoniland – September 2000.
Children we believe are blessings from God. Children we believe are the future of every Society because they are the leaders of tomorrow. A Society that protects and invests in her children provides a solid foundation for her future. African tradition also believes that a man’s wealth is based on his children as they provide for him in his old age.
It is with this premise that we are compelled to write to you as you visit Ogoniland. Take a good look around you and consider the fate of every Ogoni child.
We find ourselves in a predicament that was not orchestrated by our parents or us. We find ourselves in this situation that we consider beyond comprehension. A situation that has been confirmed by all as a case of ‘man’s inhumanity to man’. As you begin your tour of our land, you are going to see for yourself a land that is devastated and deprived. A land that has produced so much wealth to the nation yet begs for attention. The oil spills, the gas flares, destroyed landscape, the polluted environment etc. are going to leap themselves in your face. (This is hoping that you will be allowed to see the reality that is our land.)
Yet this desolate land is the place that has produced billions of barrels of oil. This land has produced so much revenue to Nigeria. This revenue has been used to develop other parts of Nigeria as well as keep some greedy and selfish Nigerians in untold wealth. But Ogoni children live in abject poverty. It is not due to some act of omission or commission on our part or the part of our parents. The problem lies with the Nigerian Government and the Oil Companies who are bent on drilling the last drop of oil in our land. Shell, Chevron, Agip etc and the Nigerian Government are responsible for this poor state of our community. We want to believe that the people that work for these companies have children. What is beyond imagination is the fact that the treatment Ogoni children receive cannot be compared with the way they treat their children.
But Ogoni children are flesh and blood as well and are supposed to have same rights as children everywhere else in the world. We want to imagine that the wealth and luxury your children enjoy as a result of the resources from Ogoniland and the Niger Delta is ordained by nature and not for your sole use. For this reason we want you to know that Ogoni children are suffering under the weight of the laws you enact.
We want you to know that we are not peasants and therefore were not born to inherit poverty, pains and sufferings. Ogoni children are entitled to same rights as other children in the world and so deserve the good things of life. Yet we lack educational, medical and social facilities that make for decent and healthy living. Our community has been neglected for decades while we the children suffered untold hardship. What future do we have? What hope in the future?
While it will take volumes to enumerate the various forms of our human rights that have been violated, economic exploitation and physical maltreatment to which we have been subjected, we would like to remind the present Nigerian Government that our situation has become unbearable. We hereby wish to refer your Government to The Children’s Act and UN statement on the Rights of Children November 1991. Here are some excerpts we have chosen to state our case:
From above, we are aware that our rights have been and are continuously trampled upon in our country Nigeria.
This is the situation we wish to change. We want the Nigerian Government to consider the following issues:
Ogoniland is our land. The proceeds on this land are ours. The oil you drill on this land is our rightful possession. This oil is the only inheritance we can get from our poverty stricken parents at this time. While other children look up to their parents for inheritance, we look up to our land for our survival. We do not intend to remain in poverty. Our rights must be restored and we hope you will heed our demands by restoring the glory of our land. Mutual respect for our rights and sustainable development is the way forward for our future.
More information: firstname.lastname@example.org
NIGERIA: OIL BLAZE KILLS 50
OilWatch Bulletin 12, January 2001
A fuel pipeline blaze has killed more than 50 people in a fishing village near the Nigerian city of Lagos.
Some of the victims, including children, were caught in billowing flames as they were scooping up petrol from the leaking pipeline. An explosion ripped through the fractured pipeline near Ebute-Oko, a fishing village opposite the central business district of Lagos across a lagoon.
Nearby huts and wooden houses were engulfed by the fire. Many of the dead were reported to be fishermen burned alive in their dugout canoes.
Injured people were evacuated from the area by boat as firefighters struggled to contain the blaze. Villagers said the pipeline, operated by the state-run Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), had been leaking for nearly two months.
The incident is just the latest in a string of oil pipeline tragedies that have hit Nigeria in the past two years. ‘There are dozens of bodies, more than 50,’ said Marine Police Officer Edward Agwale.
The cause of the blaze is not known, but a spokesman for the state oil company blamed it on the activities of people he described as fuel thieves.
Witnesses quoted by Reuters news agency said the fire was ignited by a wood stove where a woman was cooking in the open. The pipeline lies near Atlas Cove, the main loading centre for fuel imported into Nigeria.
Some oil leaks are caused by poor maintenance, but others occur after pipelines are deliberately punctured and the leaking fuel is siphoned off. There is a thriving black market in fuel.
Nigeria is Africa's top oil exporter, but often faces shortages of refined products. Many of Nigeria's pipeline fires have been in the Niger Delta region, which accounts for most of Nigeria's crude production of over two million barrels a day.
In July, at least 250 people died when fuel exploded at a pipeline near Warri.
DISTRIBUTED BY ERA
Over 2000 Ogonis were killed by the Nigerian military in a war of genocide against the people
Thousands of Ogonis were maimed and thousands of women raped.
30 Ogoni villages were razed to the ground by soldiers in an operation aimed at cleansing Ogoni
Over 100,000 Ogonis were made refugees and had to flee their homes
On November 10, 1995, Ken Saro Wiwa and his 8 colleagues where hanged for demanding justice for the Ogoni people.
While six years has elapsed since the hanging of our leaders, we hereby inform the world that nothing has changed in Ogoniland. The deplorable conditions of living of our people are certainly not acceptable and we remind Obasanjo's government of the duties it owes the Ogoni people.
While remembering Ken Saro Wiwa, Dr. Barinem Kiobel, Saturday Dorbee, Paul Levura, Nordu Eawo, Felix Nuate, Daniel Gboko, John Kpuinen and Baribor Bera, MOSOP continues to demand justice for Ogoni and all oppressed people of the world.
The struggle continues.
Mrs Gbenewa Phido
President - MOSOP-UK
Contacts: Harrison Neenwi & Gbenewa Phido
Press Release, March 5th, 2002
New York -- A U.S. Federal Court has ruled that a civil lawsuit charging multinational oil giant Shell with complicity in human rights violations will go forward. The ruling in Wiwa v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co. by Judge Kimba Wood held that Shell Transport and Trading Company and Royal Dutch Petroleum Company can be held liable in the U.S. for cooperating in the persecution and execution of environmental activists in Nigeria.
‘This ruling means that the families of Ken Saro-Wiwa and his Ogoni colleagues may yet get some measure of justice for the unlawful executions and other abuses in which Shell was complicit,’ said Richard Herz, an attorney with EarthRights International, a non-profit group that is co-counsel in the case. ‘More broadly, it sends a strong message to other multinational companies that they cannot participate in egregious human rights abuses with impunity.’
Despite widespread international protest, noted Nigerian environmentalist and writer Ken Saro-Wiwa, youth leader John Kpuinen and seven other Ogoni activists were hanged by the Nigerian military government on November 10, 1995. The ‘Ogoni Nine’ had opposed Shell's pollution and oil development in the Niger Delta. In his last statement to the military tribunal that sentenced him to death, Saro-Wiwa said ‘Shell is here on trial. The Company has, indeed, ducked this particular trial, but its day will surely come.’
Fulfilling this prophecy, the court refused to dismiss the lawsuit brought by surviving relatives of Saro-Wiwa and Kpuinen, which alleges that Shell played a role in the execution of the two men as well as other violations. The court also refused to dismiss similar claims against Brian Anderson, the former head of Shell's Nigerian subsidiary, and claims by an additional plaintiff, who remains anonymous for her safety, alleging that she was beaten and shot while peacefully protesting bulldozing of her land by Shell.
In denying Shell's motion to dismiss the case, the court found that the alleged actions of Shell and Anderson constituted participation in crimes against humanity, torture, summary execution, arbitrary detention, and other violations of international law. The court also found that Anderson could be sued under the Torture Victim Protection Act, which allows victims of torture to sue the perpetrators in federal court.
Finally, the ruling allows the plaintiffs' claims under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act to proceed, finding that plaintiffs' allegations that Shell acted in concert with the Nigerian military would constitute racketeering. The case now proceeds to discovery, where plaintiffs will have the opportunity to interview Anderson and other Shell employees, and to review their documents.
The plaintiffs are represented by New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), Washington D.C.-based EarthRights International, Seattle University law professor Julie Shapiro, and Paul Hoffman. Judith Chomsky, a CCR Cooperating Attorney, commented today, ‘Shell had direct involvement in human rights violations against the Ogoni people. Any company that profits from crimes against humanity should be brought to justice wherever they are. When they do business in the U.S., they should be made to answer for their actions in U.S. courts.’ CCR attorney Jennie Green added, ‘Human rights law doesn't apply only to governments and individuals; multinational corporations also must be held accountable when they violate such fundamental international legal principles.’
Sources: Richard Herz (202) 466-5188 ext. 4; Marco Simons (202) 466-5188 ext. 5
EarthRights International, www.earthrights.org
March 4, 2002
ABUJA - Nigeria said oil tankers or production companies responsible for oil spills in its territorial waters could face a fine of up to $176 million.
‘From now on should there be an oil tanker spill within our territorial waters, the sum of $176 million is the maximum amount payable as damage,’ Transport Minister Ojo Maduekwe announced at a news conference.
‘This action is taken in our vital national interest to safeguard the nation from oil spillage and pollution,’ Maduekwe said.
The measure applied to oil tanker owners and oil companies producing Nigeria's two million barrels per day of crude in the creeks of the Niger Delta and offshore, he said
Oil spills from burst pipelines are common in the Niger Delta but spills from oil tankers are rare. A spokeswoman for the Department of Petroleum Resources which monitors oil spills, said no data was immediately available on the number of oil spills in Nigeria.
Five oil multinationals led by Royal Dutch/Shell are the dominant players in Nigeria, producing oil in joint venture with state-run Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. The other four are ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco, TotalFinaElf and Agip.
OilWatch Resistance Bulletin 27, April 2002
By Jedrzej Georg Frynas
Excerpt from back cover:
This well-researched book on the oil industry in Nigeria deals with the major consequences of foreign oil operations in village communities. The study, which has been developed out of a doctoral thesis at the University of St. Andrew's (UK), gives a comprehensive overview of conflicts between oil companies and village communities, which have so far been little understood. In addition, a wide range of background data is presented on oil companies, their conflicts with village communities and government policy in Nigeria, including statistical tables, which allow for the book to be used as a reference for scholars and non-scholars alike.
The book describes the interaction between oil companies and village communities, discusses the economic, social and legal problems that can be encountered in this context and derives important conclusions regarding the involvement of multinational companies in developing countries. With the help of a large number of court cases, it uses a new approach to illustrate the social and environmental impact of multinational companies. Using exemplary cases from Nigerian courts on topics such as oil spills and compensation payments for land acquisition, the book demonstrates how legal materials can be used to understand conflicts between multinational companies and indigenous people. The court cases deal with large multinational companies such as Shell as well as smaller oil company sub-contractors such as Seismograph Services, and provide a wealth of information on issues such as land conflicts, loss of property and life, as well as oil company compensation efforts. This information is supplemented by some recent political inside material related to Shell's Nigerian operations. Written in an accessible style, this study makes difficult topics such as seismic study or communal land rights east to understand.
LAGOS April 18, 2002 (Reuters) -- ChevronTexaco said yesterday it had signed with its Nigerian joint venture partner technology agreements marking the start of work on its $1.3 billion Escravos Gas to Liquids plant.
Chevron and partner Nigerian National Petroleum Corp (NNPC) signed the deal with SasolChevron Holdings Ltd, the technology licensor, in Abuja this week, a Chevron statement said.
The project marks the biggest technology cooperation between Nigeria and South Africa, the continent's two most important economies with growing business ties.
The state-of-the-art Slurry Phase Distillate process developed by Sasol of South Africa will be used in the facility, integrated with Chevron's own technology.
‘These agreements will formally initiate the Engineering, Procurement and Construction phase of the project and put the EGTL (Escravos Gas to Liquids) project, valued at $1.3 billion on track towards completion by mid-2006,’ it said.
When completed, the facility will propel Nigeria into the select group of the world's leading countries in GTL production, with output of 34,000 barrels per day of premium GTL fuel, naphtha and liquified petroleum gas for export.
Story by John Chiahemen, REUTERS NEWS SERVICE
Sources: ERA ALERT. MAY 8, 2002
A huge crude oil spill has occurred at Chevron's Wells A and B located between Ojumole and Ikorigho communities. The spill has been on for over 5 days now. Chevron has ensured that local people and environmental monitors are denied access to the area by using the dreaded Mobile Police to seal off the area.
Niger Delta Development Commission (N.D.D.C.) officials led by its state commissioner, Honourable Olusola Oke paid a brief visit to the scene yesterday.
Ojumole community, located in Ilaje local government area of Ondo State, is host to Chevron Nigeria Limited and has recorded series of oil spills in the past.
WHAT YOU CAN DO
1. Write a letter to Chevron asking them to immediately clean up the spill and pay compensation to the affected communities
2. Support the Ilaje Communities' struggle against Chevron's unwholesome environmental practices.
3. Write to your legislators/senators and also to local/international groups concerned with environmental protection, and request them to take keener interest in environmental issues and also to remind CHEVRON of their obligations to the people.
For more information:
ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS ACTION/ FRIENDS OF THE EARTH
(FoE, Nigeria). #214, Uselu-Lagos Road, P. O. Box 10577, Benin City, Nigeria. E-mail: email@example.com, firstname.lastname@example.org
By: Peter O. Olayiwola
OilWatch Resistance News 29, June 2002
This work explores problems in national development in the Third World using Nigeria during the petroleum boom as a case study. The book explores how historical, political, ideological, economic, social, and cultural factors affected Nigeria's development and policies. Special attention is devoted to the development paradigms that influenced Nigerian development thinking, the national planning apparatus, nationalist ideology, and the role of world market and multinational corporations.
Petroleum and Structural Change in a Developing Country concludes that Nigeria has experienced growth without change and that unless structural change is implemented, real development will remain elusive.
By Nnimmo Bassey - ERA
Source: Daily Independent (Lagos), JUNE 17 - 23, 2002, (OilWatch Bulletin 31)
Shell's two million barrel-capacity Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) vessel is one of the monsters rearing its heads in our waters. It saves money for the oil moguls and tightens the noose around our necks. This particular FPSO will pose special dangers.
As a preliminary consideration, think what could happen if the recent Supreme Court judgment stands and the Niger Delta people see that they have no stake in offshore oil. Think about it. Would that facility be safe? How would it be protected?
Would it have a battalion of soldiers stationed on it? (I know there will be a cantonment on it). Should anything happen to this monster, no matter how small a leakage, an environmental catastrophe will be on our hands. If a more serious accident happens, our continental shelf will be highly threatened.
It is interesting that oil activities are shifting offshore. But this Shell's FPSO has no rival in size and capacity. The nearest to it (in sheer monstrosity) in African waters may be the Congolese off-shore N'Kossa concrete barge ever built. This barge measures 200 metres by 36 metres and is 16 metres deep. This concrete monster weighs 110,000 tons.
While our National Assembly members are busy squabbling over who gets what contract, we hear nothing about the EIA on the project. Onshore oil/gas exploitation has predictably generated conflicts due to the brazen disregard of social and environmental concerns and today, the Trans National Corporations (TNCs) are literally heading offshore so that they may well do as they please.
Offshore is attractive for many reasons among which is that TNCs´ activities are removed from the immediate view of local communities.
Less needs to be spent on requirements of good neighbourliness. Once out in the seas, TNCs claim they have no neighbours. No stakeholders.
Toxic wastes can be dumped into deep waters with less resistance or need for environmental accountability. More than 6,000,000 metric tons of crude oil is leaked into the world's continental shelf each year. The mother of them all is in the making here.
Not one oil spill has ever been adequately cleaned up in the Niger Delta. Not one. Rivers and forests have been set on fire in attempts to remove spills. By far the more popular method has been skimming the crude off the water surface. That only begins to be effective in calm waters. Not in locations far out into troubled waters.
Fisheries and other marine life will be gravely impacted. Some species may be completely wiped out. Crude oil spills block off sunlight from penetrating into the waters and also decreases the amount of dissolved oxygen in the water.
The livelihood of our people will be negatively impacted.
Some impacts may be more insidious and less readily noticed.
Human rights abuses can thrive here with no witnesses.
No one knows the full, long-term impacts of this facility.
These are not speculations but the stark reality. With a Federal Government that believes that there can be extractive business without stakeholders, Shell will not only make a financial kill; it will literally kill our environment. ERA is absolutely opposed to this project.
Executive Director, Environmental Rights Action - Nigeria
Ijaw and Ogoni in the Niger Delta have vowed to resist Federal Government's new policy thrust to focus more on oil exploitation and production in the offshore fields rather than on-shore where over 70 per cent of existing oil output is done. Accusing the Federal Government to have connived with oil companies to begin accelerated development of offshore fields, the two ethnic nationalities claimed that it was a careful way to abdicate the responsibility of developing the Niger Delta region by the government.
ERA Field Report 110
On June 28, 2002, SPDC's pipeline located at an area in the community of the rural Ikata peoples called Akbor ruptured and spewed large quantity of crude oil into the communities sources of water; lakes, rivers and farmlands.
The Paramount Ruler of the community, Chief ThankGod Ozor, 49 years old, and father of 8 children who is concerned about the devastation of the community environment and its effect on the rural economy, spoke to ERA Field Monitor:
‘This crude oil spill occurred on the 28th of June, 2002, we noticed it when our women who were going to their farms that morning returned to my palace to report that their cassava, and yam farmlands are covered with crude oil. I summoned my council of elders, women and youths of my community and told them to be calm that Shell is coming to clean the spill. After then, we invited Shell; they came and repaired their leaking pipeline, but did not clean the spill. Our lakes and rivers which are our only source of drinking water are covered with crude oil. We are still pleading with Shell to clean up the spills in our rivers, lakes and farmlands. This is not the first time this kind of a thing is happening. In 1983 at Agbeupa area and in 1996 at Isioku area in our community, their pipelines spilled crude oil too, and destroyed our farmlands. This time around we are not prepared to accept Shell's claim that we sabotaged their pipeline. They only told us that we can't prove it. They have been doing that. They don't ever compensate us for the damage done to our rivers, lakes and farmlands.’
ERA investigations revealed that since 1964 when Shell started its operation in the community, the facilities and pipelines have not been changed or replaced. But Shell's officials visited the community with armed mobile policemen to intimidate local folks. Since this incident occurred Shell has not cleaned the spill and has even refused to accept responsibility for the spill and the resultant destruction of sources of livelihood.
Ikata is a relatively big rural settlement in the Ekpeye ethnic nationality in the Niger Delta (administratively located in the Ahoada-East Local Government Area, Rivers State, Nigeria). The population of the community is about 3,600. Subsistence agriculture and fishing are the major occupations of the people. Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) started its oil activities in the community in 1964.
ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS ACTION/ FRIENDS OF THE EARTH Nigeria)
#214, Uselu-Lagos Road, P. O. Box 10577, Benin City, Nigeria. Tel/Fax: + 234 52 600165
By Daniel Balint-Kurti. Reuters March 22, 2003
WARRI, Nigeria (Reuters) - France's TotalFinaElf shut its oil production facilities in Nigeria's western delta and evacuated workers on Saturday because of spiralling tribal unrest in the area, company officials said.
"We decided to shut our production and evacuate the area because of the deteriorating situation," a company official said in Lagos.
In the same region, other workers were stranded in a major ChevronTexaco oil export terminal as angry villagers prevented them from leaving, industry sources said.
The leaders of the Ijaw ethnic community, which has been clashing with the army since Thursday, raised their death toll estimates from 14 to 58, all allegedly killed in army raids on villages.
At least 55 others have died, including 10 soldiers, in the political and ethnic violence, according to community leaders and security sources.
A Reuters correspondent saw a helicopter land in the oil city of Warri, bringing the first group of workers fleeing fighting in oilfields around the Escravos export terminal.
The group was accompanied by armed soldiers.
Company officials said the helicopters were ferrying frightened worker from the Opumami tank farm, the French oil firm's most important facility in the Obodo district where it produces just 7,500 barrels per day of crude.
But there was no immediate official confirmation that militants had set fire to part of the tank farm.
"We are still getting reports from the area. We are following the situation," the Lagos-based official said. A surge in ethnic conflict in the Nigerian delta has forced oil majors Shell and ChevronTexaco to shut down their operations.
The two companies, which have declared force majeure on some export commitments, say they are losing a total of 315,000 bpd of crude, or 16 percent of Nigeria's output.
The Niger Delta, which accounts for most of Nigeria's just over two million bpd crude output, has been on the boil for years, with oil multinationals getting caught in a deadly struggle for oil benefits by local ethnic groups.
The latest flare-up pits ethnic Itsekiri against the Ijaw, who are spearheading a campaign in the delta for a greater share of Nigeria's oil wealth. The increasingly violent campaign has added to nationwide political unrest threatening the country's national elections next month.
Scores of people, including 10 soldiers quelling unrest, have died in the past one-week alone.
Nationwide, well over 10,000 people have died in ethnic, religious and political violence since President Olusegun Obasanjo's election in 1999 ended 15 years of military dictatorship.
The unrest is raising fears over a series of elections, including a presidential poll on April 19. Disruption to key oil exports could add economic hardship to the political crisis.
A source at an oil contracting company in Warri town said villagers were preventing her firm's employees from leaving ChevronTexaco's Escravos export terminal.
"Our staffs are stuck there. They said they have no way have getting out from there. They said they are just living by God's will," she said, adding that Ijaw youths were shouting threats at those behind the terminal's fences.
"They came toward them, shouting that they will kill them because Chevron has invited the police to fight them," she said.
ChevronTexaco denied requesting any action on the part of the police or the army. Company spokesman Sola Omole said in Lagos there was an "uneasy calm" around the terminal.
Port agent GAC said on Friday that the 340,000 bpd Escravos export terminal was expected to close on Saturday after the army ordered its evacuation, but Omole said the only evacuation so far had been of villagers sheltering there from the unrest.
SOURCE: OilResistance-Africa information & strategies to support African oil struggles
From Oilwatch Resistance Bulletin #38, May 2003
Bonny Kingdom, a calm island situated at the southern edge of Rivers State in the Niger Delta of Nigeria, since the early 90s when the Federal Government of Nigeria in Collaboration with its international partners started the multi-billion dollar project, Nigeria Liquified Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) had known no peace.
There are complex social and ecological problems associated with the project. The rural community of the Ijaw ethnic nationality is currently under severe and serious threat. Over 6,000 local residents are being affected by the clearing of 35 ha. of mangrove forest with more mangrove destruction from the controversial gas line project forthcoming.
The latest threat to the people is coming from NLNG. The company with its consortium of International partners have just resumed the mindless and wanton destruction of a large expanse of virgin mangrove forest located in the area. Wilbros (American), Sodexho Nigeria (French) and Daewoo (South Korea) are contractors (or partners) undertaking the plundering of the environment of the people.
Bonny people had protested against the devastation, but the act is done under the watchful eyes of heavily armed security operatives. The firms are contracting access canal for pipelines to connect oil and gas from other oil fields in other parts of the Niger Delta to the NLNG plant.
Please help stop further destruction of mangrove forest in Niger Delta; write letters of concern to the following government official:
The Rivers State Ministry Of Environment and Natural Resources
First floor, Podium block, Secretariate complex,
P.M. B. 5544,
For more information, contact - email@example.com
We, communities affected by mining, oil and gas, citizens’ organisations, NGOs, and academics from Cameroon, Congo Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Togo, Zambia and Zimbabwe participating in a Pan-African seminar on communities affected by mining organised by Third World Network-Africa (TWN-Af) in collaboration with Oilwatch Africa Network/Environmental Rights Action, Community Defence Law Foundation and Gulf of Guinea Citizens Network from September 4-6th 2006, Port Harcourt, Nigeria;
Having thoroughly discussed the impacts and implications of the renewed mining, oil and gas boom on communities affected by these activities in Africa, and the consequent developmental challenges of mineral and petroleum endowed African countries;
Aware of the vast oil potentials of the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria and the opportunities such potentials present for transforming the social and economic conditions of the people into building their productive capacity and improving quality of lives;
Noting the long experience of oil and gas exploitation in Nigeria, and in the specific case of Oloibiri dating back to a period of 50 years;
Having witnessed the visible and huge destructions caused by the activities of transnational oil and gas companies to the environment and livelihood sources of people living in communities located in areas of oil/gas extraction projects;
Agitated by the lack of social and economic infrastructures as well as the apparent high level of poverty measured against the huge revenues accruing to the Federal and State Governments, and oil and gas companies over the past decades;
Concerned about the high level of unemployment, repeated cases of State and corporate repression against communities in the Niger Delta, constant gas flaring and general environmental pollution;
Mindful of the fact that these problems are not peculiar to the Niger Delta in Nigeria alone but also manifest in several communities living in areas of extractive activities in particular mining, oil, gas, fisheries and timber across the continent of Africa;
Disturbed about the relationship in which governments, national elites, transnational companies and their home governments together with International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like IMF and World Bank line up in opposition to the legitimate concerns and interest of citizens and people directly affected by extractive activities;
Confident that community self-determination and the popular will of the people shall prevail over the ruthless exploitative tendencies of governments and their conspirators;
Do express our unflinching solidarity with the people, communities and legitimate struggles in the Niger Delta and Nigeria in general;
We do also call on:
I Governments to:
Restore the dignity and respect of people in the oil rich Niger Delta, and all communities affected by mining/oil activities across the continent by ensuring community access to benefits of mining/oil and gas as well as their resources in particular land, fresh water, clean and diversified environment, and cultural heritage.
Put the rights of communities and people as a whole first before the interests of transnational mining/oil companies.
Cease forthwith any further repression of communities that express dissenting views and engage in legitimate struggles.
Re-think and revision national mining and oil laws to; provide for the rights of communities and mechanisms for maximising the net benefits of oil and mineral wealth to communities and national economies.
Allow the evolution of processes that legitimise communities and traditional systems in decision-making regarding resource extraction, ownership, control and use.
Ensure environmental protection standards with clear powers of enforcement and adequate institutional delivery capacity for effective compliance enforcement and pollution abatement throughout the life cycle of extractive projects.
Through national legislative institutions include corporate criminal liability in domestic legal systems. Through this system, it would be possible to impose stringent enforcement orders on transnational mining/oil companies.
II Oil/Mining Companies to
Respect the rights, culture, values, interest and concerns of people living in communities they operate
Obey the national laws and comply with internationally recognised human rights norms and standards
Cease forthwith any further repression against communities and advocacy groups
III Home governments of Transnational Mining Companies to:
Regulate the operations of Transnational Oil and Mining companies in Africa according to international human rights norms and standards.
IV Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to:
Pressure all actors in the mining, oil and gas sectors in particular the Governments and companies to ensure that the processes of resource extraction is translated into building the productive capacities of national economies in manners that guarantee human and peoples rights and environmental sustainability.
Work together in solidarity with communities and people affected by mining and oil activities to promote community interest, environmental sustainability and national economic development.
V. Endorsed by
Jose Nguema Oyana Equatorial Guinea
Agnes Ebo’o, Cameroon, Citizens Governance Initiative/Gulf of Guinea Citizens Network
Dieudonne Serge Mounthou, Republic of Congo, Commission Diocesaine Justice et Paix
Mme. Mambou Aimee Gnali, Republic of Congo, Collectif des Originaires du Kouilou
Augustin MPOYI MBUNGA, D. R. Congo , AVOCATS VERTS (Avocats africains pour la protection de l'environnement et la défense des droits comunautaires)
Hon Augustino Nestory Sasi, Tanzania
Thabo Madihlaba, Environmental Justice Networking Forum, Johannesburg, South Africa
Mr. Tumai Murombo ,South Africa, Oliver Schreiner School of Law
George Tshenolo Ramorula, South Africa
Peter Sinkamba, Zambia, Citizens for a Better Environment
Nelson Kaluba, Zambia, Community Rep.
Dr Kakoma Maseka, Zambia, Copperbelt University, Kitwe
Makanatsa Makonese, Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association, Harare, Zimbabwe
Sena Alouka, JVE Togo, Lome, Togo
Mustapha Thomas, Sierra Leone, Fourah Bay College, Freetown, Sierra Leone
Mary Durran, Canada, Development and Peace, Montreal, Canada
Benjamin Annan, Ghana Telecom, Obuasi Exchange, Obuasi
Richard Adjei-Poku, Ghana, Accra
Thomas Akabzaa, Ghana, Third Word Network-Africa
Lindlyn Tamufor, Ghana
Abdulai Darimani, Ghana
Dr. Ben Naanen, Nigeria, University of Port Harcourt
Dr. Lemmy Owugah, Nigeria, University of Uyo
Nankin Bagudu, Nigeria, League for Human Rights, Jos
Nnimmo Bassey, Nigeria, Environmental Rights Action
Asume Isaac Osuoka, Nigeria, ERA/Oilwatch Africa
Oronto Douglas, Nigeria, ERA/Community Defence Law Foundation, Port Harcourt
Anyakwee Nsirimovu, Nigeria, Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law (IHRHL), Port Harcourt
Patterson Ogon, Nigeria, Ijaw Council for Human Rights
Dr. Sofiri Peterside, Nigeria, Centre for Advanced Social Science, Port Harcourt
Hon. Uche Onyeagucha, Nigeria, National Assembly, Abuja
Emem Okon, Nigeria, Niger Delta Women for Justice
Patrick Naagbanton, Nigeria, CEHRD, Port Harcourt
Che Ibegwura, Nigeria, Egi Ethnic Coalition
Chidi Odinkalu, Nigeria, Open Society Justice Initiative
Chido Onumah, Nigeria, Social Action/Gulf of Guinea Citizens Network
Elias Courson, Nigeria, Community Defence Law Foundation
The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk)